THE NORTHWOODS CONSPIRACY
by: Ken Hudnall, J.D.
All rights Reserved © 2006 by Ken Hudnall
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Chapter One: What Is The Northwood Conspiracy
Chapter Two: Operation Northwoods
Chapter Three: American Military Operations
Chapter Five: The Breakdown of the Established Order
Chapter Six: The Knights Templar
Chapter Seven: The Real King Solomon
Chapter Eight: The Templar Response to the Suppression
Chapter Nine: The Founding Fathers
Chapter Ten: Bacon's Rebellion
Chapter Eleven: The American Revolution
Chapter Twelve: Preparation For War
Chapter Thirteen : How to Throw a Fight
Chapter Fourteen: The Quasi-War
Chapter Fifteen: The War Of 1812
Chapter Sixteen: The Mexican War
Chapter Seventeen: The American Civil War
Chapter Eighteen The Spanish American War
Chapter Nineteen Mexican General "Pancho" Villa's Raid On Columbus, NM, 1916
Chapter Twenty-One: An American Coup D’etat
Chapter Twenty-Two: Desperate Deception: British Covert Operations in the United States, 1939-44
Chapter Twenty-Three: World War II
Chapter Twenty-Four: Commissions And Cover-ups
Chapter Twenty-Five: Points to Ponder
Chapter Twenty-Six: The Korean War
Chapter Twenty-Seven: The Vietnam War
Chapter Twenty-Eight: The Gulf Wars
Chapter Twenty-Nine: The “New” Enemy
Chapter Thirty: The Patriot Act
Chapter Thirty-One: A Few Words on Rebuilding Iraq
PART ONE
CHAPTER ONE
WHAT IS THE NORTHWOOD CONSPIRACY
"The hidden hand of the market will never work without a hidden fist --
McDonald's cannot flourish without McDonnell-Douglas, the designer of the F-
15. And the hidden fist that keeps the world safe for Silicon Valley's technologies
is called the US Army, Air Force, Navy and Marine Corps."
Thomas Friedman, "A Manifesto for the Fast World", New York Times Magazine, March 28, 1999
This is a work of non-fiction. While the author has had to prove some of the points in this work through circumstantial evidence, there is no doubt that operating behind the scenes is a group that uses war and military power as a tool to keep their own personal business profits at a high level. It is these people who have been directly responsible for the utilization of the program that is referred to herein as The Northwood Conspiracy.
SETTING THE STAGE
In this day and time, there has been much discussion about war and the threat of war. The Middle East has been a powder keg waiting to explode since the end of World War II. Now, with our invasion, the fuse has been lit; the only question remaining to be answered is how long the fuse might be.
We in America have lived for generations with the firm belief that we are insulated from the effects of war due to the two oceans that separate us from the war zones in less settled parts of the world. However, now, our most basic beliefs have been shaken as the war we have watched in the news was brought home to us when the World Trade Center Towers were brought down in the worst attack against the American people ever carried out. Terrorism came to America.
Once again, America was caught napping and subjected to a devastating attack that inflicted thousands of casualties on an innocent population. Now of course, the systems in place to serve and protect the American people immediately sprang into action, but the wound to our national pride was deep. The heroic acts of the New York City fire and police departments are a matter of record. There is no question that these men and women went far beyond the call of duty in their selfless acts of bravery. My question would be what led to the need for these men and women to risk their lives for their fellow man?
The reactions of the different branches of our government to the attack that took place on September 11, 2001 were certainly predictable. The Justice Department immediately moved toward instituting more stringent controls on our liberties. For the first time since the Civil War, government authorities arrested and incarcerated suspected terrorists without trial, and in some cases without even bringing charges. For some of these individuals the Writ of Habeas Corpus was suspended.
Since hijacked planes had been used in the attack on the Trade Center and the Pentagon, travel restrictions were immediately instituted by the Justice Department and for a period of time no planes, either commercial or private, were allowed to leave the ground. A new governmental department, called Homeland Security, was brought into being. A new, sweeping law, popularly called The Patriot Act, was written and enacted in record time. America had been attacked and was now reacting. In the national desire for revenge against the unknown attackers, however, certain things were overlooked in regard to this law that, I believe, deserved serious consideration.
WHO PROFITED
Criminal investigators spend years studying criminal behavior and getting to understand the perpetrators. Combating terrorism is not very different from combating crime; many of the same rules apply. When a crime has been committed, one of the first questions law enforcement personnel ask is who profited from this crime. Generally, the assumption is that the person or people that profited the most are the initial suspects. So in regard to the terrorist attack on the World Trade Center on September 11, 2001, let us first ask who profited by the cowardly attack?
The terrorist attack on the World Trade Center in September 11, 2001, was an event outside the understanding and experience of the majority of the American people. Only a few times in the history of this country have enemy forces been able to strike against our homeland. Most people have a hard time understanding what individual or group would carry out such dastardly acts and the response is to create stereotypes of what a terrorist looks or acts like.
Some people consider terrorists to be complete cowards who are afraid to face their enemies so they resort to these sneak attacks. Others consider terrorist to be unstoppable enemies who have a suicidal intent. Still others think about the Spy vs. Spy comic strip from Mad Magazine. Even our political leaders have referred to the terrorists as wearing diapers on their heads. All of these stereotypes fall short of the mark. However, no matter what side of the aisle someone is on, there seems to e absolutely no doubt that it was foreign terrorists who carried out this dastardly attack.
This having been said, however, just for the sake of argument, in the next few chapters, let’s look at some of those groups that profited from the attack not only on the World Trade Center but in every war that the United States has fought. The reader might be surprised that some of those who actually profited from the deaths of so many innocent Americans.
ALWAYS A VICTIM
The vast majority of Americans are by nature isolationists who just desire to be left alone. However, once aroused the attacking forces quickly learn that they have a tiger by the tail. As a prime example, I give you the Japanese surprise attack on our fleet based at Pearl Harbor in 1941. We were almost beaten to the canvas at the sound of the bell, so to speak, and yet we wound up devastating the Japanese Homeland.
In almost every war we have fought as a nation, we reacted to being attacked by an enemy. The history books show that the American Revolution was started as a result of British attacks on the colonists and the War of 1812 was started as a result of the British impressing our seaman and stifling our trade. The war with Mexico came about as a result of Mexican aggression against American settlers, the American Civil War was started to free the slaves and the Spanish American War was a result of the dastardly sinking of the U.S.S. Maine. America was pulled in World War I as a result of German attacks on our shipping and our involvement in World War II came about as a result of the Japanese surprise attack on Pearl Harbor. The Korean War (or police action to use the proper name) began to free the South Koreans from the Communist aggression of the north and the Vietnam War was a result of the North Vietnamese attacking our ships in the Gulf of Tonkin. The first Gulf War was entered into in order to free Kuwait from Saddam’s illegal invasion and the second Gulf War came about because Afghanistan and Iraq harbored terrorists and supported the activities of various Terroristic groups.
The unfortunate thing is that none of these simple reasons for American involvement in the various wars we have fought are true. The American people, time and again, have been maneuvered and manipulated into going to war in order to further the interests of a select group of powerful individuals who have always carefully stayed hidden in the shadows. Now it is time that these little known power players who have profited from so much death and destruction be brought out into the limelight.
CHAPTER TWO
"It’s inherent in [the] government’s right, if necessary, to lie to save itself."
Arthur Sylvester, Assistant Secretary of Defense for Public Affairs. Americans as a whole are not enthusiastic about getting involved in the problems of other people, other countries, or other continents. We have long looked at the oceans that border our east and west coasts as sufficient barriers to keep us out of the problems of other countries. As a result, America has not traditionally been openly militaristic and usually we refused to fight unless we were attacked. Certainly, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) has conducted enough wars to fill hundreds of books, but this was not the President ordering the United States Army to attack some other country and the only Americans involved were employees of the CIA.
Frankly, it would take something major, such as a surprise attack, to get us to declare war on some other country. As examples I would point to the sinking of the Lousitania and the Zimmerman telegram that caused us to enter World War I; the attack on our fleet at Pearl Harbor that caused us to enter World War II; the Gulf of Tonkin incident that caused us to conduct the police action in Vietnam; the invasion of Kuwait that caused us to conduct Operation Desert Storm and the attacks on New York City by Al-Qaeda that caused us to invade Afghanistan and Iraq. These are normally proudly pointed to by our leaders as proof that American’s military might is only used in a just cause, normally in defense of our country or to help some weaker ally against a stronger aggressor.
This reluctance of the American people to fight has long been frustrating to those President’s who felt the need to go empire building around the globe. In his new exposé of the National Security Agency entitled Body of Secrets, author James Bamford1 highlights a set of proposals designed to get public support for an invasion of Cuba that were submitted President Kennedy by the Joint Chiefs of Staff. This set of proposals was codenamed OPERATION NORTHWOODS. This document, titled "Justification for U.S. Military Intervention in Cuba" was provided by the JCS to Secretary of Defense Robert McNamara on March 13, 1962, as the key component of Operation Northwoods. Written in response to a request from the Chief of the Cuba Project, Col. Edward Lansdale the Top Secret memorandum describes U.S. plans to covertly engineer various pretexts that would justify a U.S. invasion of Cuba. These proposals -- part of a secret anti-Castro program known as Operation Mongoose – included:
* Staging the assassinations of Cubans living in the United States,
* Developing a fake "Communist Cuban terror campaign in the Miami area, in other Florida cities and even in Washington,"
* Including "sink[ing] a boatload of Cuban refugees (real or simulated),"
* Faking a Cuban airforce attack on a civilian jetliner, and
* Concocting a "Remember the Maine" incident by blowing up a U.S. ship in Cuban waters and then blaming the incident on Cuban sabotage.
Bamford felt that Operation Northwoods "may be the most corrupt plan ever created by the U.S. government.." This was nothing more than psychological warfare directed against the American people and it was suggested by the leaders of the nation’s military. Excerpts from the declassified 1962 U.S. Joint Chiefs of Staff Memo: Operation Northwoods - Justification for U.S. Military Intervention in Cuba are included below. [See Also: Friendly Fire - Book: U.S. Military Drafted Plans to Terrorize U.S. Cities to Provoke War With Cuba, by David Ruppe, ABCNews.com, 5/1/01]
TOP SECRET SPECIAL HANDLING NOFORN
THE JOINT CHIEFS OF STAFF
WASHINGTON 25, D.C.
13 March 1962
MEMORANDUM FOR THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE
Subject: Justification for U.S. Military Intervention in Cuba (TS)
1. The Joint Chiefs of Staff have considered the attached Memorandum for the Chief of Operations, Cuba Project, which responds to a request of that office for brief but precise description of pretexts which would provide justification for US military intervention in Cuba.
2. The Joint Chiefs of Staff recommend that the proposed memorandum be forwarded as a preliminary submission suitable for planning purposes. It is assumed that there will be similar submissions from other agencies and that these inputs will be used as a basis for developing a time-phased plan. Individual projects can then be considered on a case-by-case basis.
3. Further, it is assumed that a single agency will be given the primary responsibility for developing military and para-military aspects of the basic plan. It is recommended that this responsibility for both overt and covert military operations be assigned the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
For the Joint Chiefs of Staff:
SYSTEMATICALLY REVIEWED,
BY JCS ON 21 May 84 [signed]
CLASSIFICATION CONTINUED
L. L. Lemnitzer
Chairman
Joint Chiefs of Staff
1 Enclosure
Memo for Chief of Operations, Cuba Project
RECOMMENDATIONS
8. It is recommended that:
a. Enclosure A together with its attachments should be forwarded to the Secretary of Defense for approval and transmittal to the Chief of Operations, Cuba Project.
b. This paper NOT be forwarded to commanders of unified or specified commands.
c. This paper NOT be forwarded to US officers assigned to NATO activities.
d. This paper NOT be forwarded to the Chairman, US Delegation, United Nations Military Staff Committee.
APPENDIX TO ENCLOSURE A
DRAFT
MEMORANDUM FOR THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE
Subject: Justification for U.S. Military Intervention in Cuba (TS)
1. Reference is made to memorandum from Chief of Operations, Cuba project, for General Craig, subject: "Operation MONGOOSE", dated 5 March 1962, which requested brief but precise description of pretexts which the Joint Chiefs of Staff consider would provide justifications for US military intervention in Cuba.
2. The projects listed in the enclosure hereto are forwarded as a preliminary submission suitable for planning purposes. It is assumed that there will be similar submissions from other agencies and that these inputs will be used as a basis for developing a time-phased plan. The individual projects can then be considered on a case-by-case basis.
3. This plan, incorporating projects selected from the attached suggestions, or from other sources, should be developed to focus all efforts on a specific ultimate objective which would provide adequate justification for US military intervention. Such a plan would enable a logical build-up of incidents to be combined with other seemingly unrelated events to camouflage the ultimate objective and create the necessary impression of Cuban rashness and irresponsibility on a large scale, directed at other countries as well as the United States. The plan would also properly integrate and time phase the courses of action to be pursued. The desired resultant from the execution of this plan would be to place the United States in the apparent position of suffering defensible grievances from a rash and irresponsible government of Cuba and to develop an inter- national image of a Cuban threat to peace in the Western Hemisphere.
4. Time is an important factor in resolution of the Cuban problem. Therefore, the plan should be so time-phased that projects would be operable within the next few months.
5. Inasmuch as the ultimate objective is overt military intervention, it is recommended that primary responsibility for developing military and paramilitary aspects of the plan for both overt and covert military operations be assigned the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
PRETEXTS TO JUSTIFY US MILITARY INTERVENTION IN CUBA
(Note: The courses of action which follow are a preliminary submission suitable only for planning purposes. They are arranged neither chronologically nor in ascending order. Together with similar inputs from other agencies, they are intended to provide a point of departure for the development of a single, integrated, time-phased plan. Such a plan would permit the evaluation of individual projects within the context of cumulative, correlated actions designed to lead inexorably to the objective of adequate justification for US military intervention in Cuba).
1. Since it would seem desirable to use legitimate provocation as the basis for US military intervention in Cuba a cover and deception plan to include requisite preliminary actions such as has been developed in response to Task 33 c, could be executed as an initial effort to provoke Cuban reactions. Harassment plus deceptive actions to convince the Cubans of imminent invasion would be emphasized. Our military posture throughout execution of the plan will allow a rapid change from exercise to intervention if Cuban responses justifies.
2. A series of well coordinated incidents will be planned to take place in and around Guantanamo to give genuine appearance of being done by hostile Cuban forces.
a. Incidents to establish a credible attack (not in chronological order):
(1) Start rumors (many). Use clandestine radio.
(2) Land friendly Cubans in uniform "over-the-fence" to stage attack on the base.
(3) Capture Cuban (friendly) saboteurs inside the base.
(4) Start riots near the entrance to the base (friendly Cubans).
(5) Blow up ammunition inside the base; start fires.
(6) Burn aircraft on airbase (sabotage).
(7) Lob mortar shells from outside of base into base. Some damage to installations.
(8) Capture assault teams approaching from the sea of vicinity of Guantanamo City.
(9) Capture militia group which storms the base.
(10) Sabotage ship in harbor; large fires -- napthalene.
(11) Sink ship near harbor entrance. Conduct funerals for mock-victims (may be lieu of (10)).
b. United States would respond by executing offensive operations to secure water and power supplies, destroying artillery and mortar emplacements which threaten the base.
c. Commence large scale United States military operations.
3. A "Remember the Maine" incident could be arranged in several forms:
a. We could blow up a US ship in Guantanamo Bay and blame Cuba.
b. We could blow up a drone (unmanned) vessel anywhere in the Cuban waters. We could arrange to cause such incident in the vicinity of Havana or Santiago as a spectacular result of Cuban attack from the air or sea, or both. The presence of Cuban planes or ships merely investigating the intent of the vessel could be fairly compelling evidence that the ship was taken under attack. The nearness to Havana or Santiago would add credibility especially to those people that might have heard the blast or have seen the fire. The US could follow with an air/sea rescue operation covered by US fighters to "evacuate" remaining members of the non-existent crew. Casualty lists in US newspapers would cause a helpful wave of national indignation.
4. We could develop a Communist Cuba terror campaign in the Miami area, in other Florida cities and even in Washington. The terror campaign could be pointed at Cuban refugees seeking haven in the United States. We could sink a boatload of Cubans enroute to Florida (real or simulated). We could foster attempts on lives of Cuban refugees in the United States even to the extent of wounding in instances to be widely publicized. Exploding a few plastic bombs in carefully chosen spots, the arrest of Cuban agents and the release of prepared documents substantiating Cuban involvement also would be helpful in projecting the idea of an irresponsible government.
5. A "Cuban-based, Castro-supported" filibuster could be simulated against a neighboring Caribbean nation (in the vein of the 14th of June invasion of the Dominican Republic). We know that Castro is backing subversive efforts clandestinely against Haiti, Dominican Republic, Guatemala, and Nicaragua at present and possible others. These efforts can be magnified and additional ones contrived for exposure. For example, advantage can be taken of the sensitivity of the Dominican Air Force to intrusions within their national air space. "Cuban" B- 26 or C-46 type aircraft could make cane-burning raids at night. Soviet Bloc incendiaries could be found. This could be coupled with "Cuban" messages to the Communist underground in the Dominican Republic and "Cuban" shipments of arms which would be found, or intercepted, on the beach.
6. Use of MIG type aircraft by US pilots could provide additional provocation. Harassment of civil air, attacks on surface shipping and destruction of US military drone aircraft by MIG type planes would be useful as complementary actions. An F-86 properly painted would convince air passengers that they saw a Cuban MIG, especially if the pilot of the transport were to announce such fact. The primary drawback to this suggestion appears to be the security risk inherent in obtaining or modifying an aircraft. However, reasonable copies of the MIG could be purchased from US resources in about three months.
7. Hijacking attempts against civil air and surface craft should appear to continue as harassing measures condoned by the government of Cuba. Concurrently, genuine defections of Cuban civil and military air and surface craft should be encouraged.
8. It is possible to create an incident which will demonstrate convincingly that a Cuban aircraft has attacked and shot down a chartered civil airliner enroute from the United States to Jamaica, Guatemala, Panama or Venezuela. The destination would be chosen only to cause the flight plan route to cross Cuba. The passengers could be a group of college students off on a holiday or any grouping of persons with a common interest to support chartering a non-scheduled flight.
a. An aircraft at Eglin AFB would be painted and numbered as an exact duplicate for a civil registered aircraft belonging to a CIA proprietary organization in the Miami area. At a designated time the duplicate would be substituted for the actual civil aircraft and would be loaded with the selected passengers, all boarded under carefully prepared aliases. The actual registered aircraft would be converted to a drone.
b. Take off times of the drone aircraft and the actual aircraft will be scheduled to allow a rendezvous south of Florida. From the rendezvous point the passenger-carrying aircraft will descend to minimum altitude and go directly into an auxiliary field at Eglin AFB where arrangements will have been made to evacuate the passengers and return the aircraft to its original status. The drone aircraft meanwhile will continue to fly the filed flight plan. When over Cuba the drone will begin transmitting on the international distress frequency a "MAY DAY" message stating he is under attack by Cuban MIG aircraft. The transmission will be interrupted by the destruction of aircraft which will be triggered by radio signal. This will allow IACO radio stations in the Western Hemisphere to tell the US what has happened to the aircraft instead of the US trying to "sell" the incident.
9. It is possible to create an incident which will make it appear that Communist Cuban MIGs have destroyed a USAF aircraft over international waters in an unprovoked attack.
a. Approximately 4 of 5 F-101 aircraft will be dispatched in trail from Homestead AFB, Florida, to the vicinity of Cuba. Their mission will be to reverse course and simulate fakir aircraft for an air defense exercise in southern Florida. These aircraft would conduct variations of these flights at frequent intervals. Crews would be briefed to remain at least 12 miles off the Cuban coast; however, they would be required to carry live ammunition in the event that hostile actions were taken by the Cuban MIGs.
b. On one such flight, a pre-briefed pilot would fly tail-end Charley at considerable interval between aircraft. While near the Cuban Island this pilot would broadcast that he had been jumped by MIGs and was going down. No other calls would be made. The pilot would then fly directly west at extremely low altitude and land at a secure base, an Eglin auxiliary. The aircraft would be met by the proper people, quickly stored and given a new tail number. The pilot who had performed the mission under an alias, would resume his proper identity and return to his normal place of business. The pilot and aircraft would then have disappeared.
c. At precisely the same time that the aircraft was presumably shot down a submarine or small surface craft would disburse F-101 parts, parachute, etc., at approximately 15 to 20 miles off the Cuban coast and depart. The pilots retuning to Homestead would have a true story as far as they knew. Search ships and aircraft could be dispatched and parts of aircraft found.
ENCLOSURE B
FACTS BEARING ON THE PROBLEM
1. The Joint Chiefs of Staff have previously stated that US unilateral military intervention in Cuba can be undertaken in the event that the Cuban regime commits hostile acts against US forces or property which would serve as an incident upon which to base overt intervention.
2. The need for positive action in the event that current covert efforts to foster an internal Cuban rebellion are unsuccessful was indicated by the Joint Chiefs of Staff on 7 March 1962, as follows:
" - - - determination that a credible internal revolt is impossible of attainment during the next 9-10 months will require a decision by the United States to develop a Cuban "provocation" as justification for positive US military action."
3. It is understood that the Department of State also is preparing suggested courses of action to develop justification for US military intervention in Cuba. The above excerpts are taken from the original 15-page US Government
TOP SECRET document, "Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff, Justification for US Military Intervention in Cuba [including cover memoranda], March 13, 1962," available at the National Security Archive website in pdf format at this link: (if you don't have it, download Adobe Acrobat Reader to view pdf formatted files).
THROUGH THE MIRROR
So here we have men at the senior levels of the military hierarchy seriously discussing instigating a war with a foreign power in order to further their own interests. In line with President Kennedy’s instructions, the Joint Chiefs of Staff had previously stated that US unilateral military intervention in Cuba could be undertaken in the event that the Cuban regime committed hostile acts against US forces or property which would serve as an incident upon which to base overt intervention.
President Kennedy had no desire to get the United States into a shooting war with an enemy. Granted, the United States Military could have easily decimated the Cuban military forces and taken the country just as we have done in Iraq. However, Cuba’s strongest ally was the Soviet Union, who would have taken a dim view of out invasion of Cuba. So it was stressed that we could act only if Cuba took the first aggressive action. Thus the concept that became Operation Northwood came into being -----Or did it?
After reading the Operation Northwood proposal, I began to read about our earlier conflicts, looking for similar activities that might infer that a similar program had been used earlier in American history. I really did not think that I would find it, but to my surprise, I found a number of correlations between earlier wars and the proposals in Operation Northwood. I also found references to a hidden group of powerful men who have been directing this country’s actions since the beginning of the colonies. The membership of this august body would shock and surprise many.
After I finished my study, I have begun to feel that Operation Northwoods was just a formalization of a practice that has been ongoing since at least 1776 and perhaps earlier. Before someone jumps up screaming that I am being subversive and unpatriotic to make such suggestions, let me say that I believe that having served my country as an Infantry officer in the United States Army to the extent that I am now a 100% disabled veteran, entitled me to ask whatever questions I desire.
OUR GOVERNMENT WOULDN’T LIE TO US
During my college years, which happened to coincide with the beginnings of the Vietnam War, I continually heard people shouting “My Country – right or wrong – it is my country!” Tens of thousands of our best and brightest walked into the caldron of war and did not return. Most of those I associated with felt that it was a just war, because President Lyndon Johnson had gone on television, told us about the dastardly attack on our ship in the Gulf of Tonkin by the cowardly North Vietnamese. Congress passed the Tonkin Resolution and we went to war in Vietnam.
Today, some forty or so years later, it has now been revealed that the incident in the Gulf of Tonkin that led to a formal approval by Congress for military operations to be conducted in Vietnam never happened. As we will see in a later chapter, the Tonkin incident was manufactured by the highest levels of our government in order to influence public opinion into supporting the war that the President wanted to have in Vietnam. So the bottom line to this was that our own government lied to us in order to get approval to lead us into a war. Of course, the government will not ever admit that the administration lied in order to influence Congress, considering the lie to be as effective a weapon as a bomb.
In October of 1962, upon being caught in a direct and unambiguous lie regarding whether the Pentagon knew of any offensive weapons in Cuba, when in fact Defense Department officials were debating whether to invade the island in order to remove those very weapons, Arthur Sylvester, assistant secretary of defense for public affairs, made the audacious claim, "It’s inherent in [the] government’s right, if necessary, to lie to save itself." Begging the question of just who the enemy was, Sylvester added, "News generated by the actions of the government … [are] part of the arsenal of weaponry that a president has."
So the government, much like modern religion, feels that it is acceptable to lie to the voters since it is being done in the name of a good cause. However, if a citizen lies to the government then the citizen goes to jail. If the government represents the people, this it would seem to me to be long for the government to lie to its constituents.
CHAPTER THREE
"News generated by the actions of the government … [are] part of the arsenal of weaponry that a president has." Arthur Sylvester, assistant secretary of defense for public affairs
I consider myself educated and well read. My library at home has in excess of 10,000 books and I have always read a book a day since childhood. Through my long association with the U.S. military, I have developed a number of contacts who have also kept me aware of various actions being planned or initiated. When I began my research into Americans military actions, I was aware of only a few, however, the more I researched the issue the more little known military actions I discovered. I also discovered a number of instances when American military might was used against American citizens in order to protect private industry.
These actions may be considered little in the grand scheme of things, but each one of these is the flexing of the military might of this country and is a direct reflection on the American people. I verified some of my findings through a similar list compiled by Zoltan Grossman is an Assistant Professor of Geography at the University of Wisconsin- Eau Claire (Box 4004,Eau Claire, WI 54701 USA). His peace writings can be seen at this link and he can be reached at this email address.
Another consideration is that in many of these little known operations people on both sides died, which, to them, makes each operation a large one, no matter how the policy makers saw it. The following is a partial list of U.S. military interventions from 1789 to 2005. (Among sources used, beside news reports, are the Congressional Record (23 June 1969), 180 Landings by the U.S. Marine Corp History Division, Ege & Makhijani in Counterspy (July-Aug, 1982), "Instances of Use of United States Forces Abroad, 1798- 1993" by Ellen C. Collier of the Library of Congress Congressional Research Service, and Ellsberg in Protest & Survive.) However, there are not enough trees in the forest to make enough paper to record all of the following categories of actions, so I have opted not to show them, even though they too are the flexing of our military muscles:
* Mobilizations of the National Guard
* Offshore shows of naval strength
* Reinforcements of embassy personnel
* The use of non-Defense Department personnel (such as the Drug
Enforcement Administration)
* Military exercises
* Non-combat mobilizations (such as replacing postal strikers)
* The permanent stationing of armed forces
* Covert actions where the U.S. did not play a command and control role
* The use of small hostage rescue units
* Most uses of proxy troops
* U.S. piloting of foreign warplanes
* Foreign disaster assistance
* Military training and advisory programs not involving direct combat
* Civic action programs and many other military activities.
The following are actual events where U.S. military personnel were used in what amounted to combat roles in order to carry out U.S. Government policies in situations of conflict or potential conflict or for other than normal peacetime purposes. The instances differ greatly in number of forces, purpose, extent of hostilities, and legal authorization. Five of the instances are declared wars: the War of 1812, the Mexican War of 1846, the Spanish American War of 1898, World War I declared in 1917, and World War II declared in 1941. [Some of these events came from “Instances of Use of United States Forces Abroad, 1798 – 1993” by Ellen C. Collier, Specialist in U.S. Foreign Policy, Foreign Affairs and National Defense Division, Washington DC: Congressional Research Service -- Library of Congress -- October 7, 1993]
Some of the instances were extended military engagements that might be considered undeclared wars. These include the Undeclared Naval War with France from 1798 to 1800; the First Barbary War from 1801 to 1805; the Second Barbary War of 1815; the Korean War of 1950-53; the Vietnam War from 1964 to 1973; and the Persian Gulf War of 1991. In some cases, such as the Persian Gulf War against Iraq, Congress authorized the military action although it did not declare war.
The majority of the instances listed were brief Marine or Navy actions prior to World War II to protect U.S. citizens or promote U.S. interests. A number were actions against pirates or bandits. Some were events, such as the stationing of Marines at an Embassy or legation, which later were considered normal peacetime practice. Covert actions, disaster relief, and routine alliance stationing and training exercises are not included here, nor are the Civil and Revolutionary Wars and the continual use of U.S. military units in the exploration, settlement, and pacification of the West.
INSTANCES OF USE OF UNITED STATES ARMED FORCES, 1798-2005
1798-1800 -- Undeclared Naval War with France. This contest included land
actions, such as that in the Dominican Republic, city of Puerto Plata, where marines captured a French privateer under the guns of the forts.
1801-05 -- Tripoli. The First Barbary War included the USS George Washington and USS Philadelphia affairs and the Eaton Expedition, during which a few marines landed with United States Agent William Eaton to raise a force against Tripoli in an effort to free the crew of the Philadelphia. Tripoli declared war but not the United States.
1806 -- Mexico (Spanish territory). Capt. Z. M. Pike, with a platoon of troops, invaded Spanish territory at the headwaters of the Rio Grande on orders from Gen. James Wilkinson. He was made prisoner without resistance at a fort he constructed in present day Colorado, taken to Mexico, and later released after seizure of his papers.
1806-10 -- Gulf of Mexico. American gunboats operated from New Orleans against Spanish and French privateers off the Mississippi Delta, chiefly under Capt. John Shaw and Master Commandant David Porter.
1810 -- West Florida (Spanish territory). Gov. Claiborne of Louisiana, on orders of the President, occupied with troops, territory in dispute east of Mississippi as far as the Pearl River, later the eastern boundary of Louisiana. He was authorized to seize as far east as the Perdido River.
1812 -- Amelia Island and other parts of east Florida, then under Spain. Temporary possession was authorized by President Madison and by Congress, to prevent occupation by any other power; but possession was obtained by Gen. George Matthews in so irregular a manner that his measures were later disavowed by the President.
1812-15 -- War of 1812. On June 18, 1812, the United States declared war on the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. Among the issues leading to the war were British interception of neutral ships and blockades of the United States during British hostilities with France.
1813 -- West Florida (Spanish territory). On authority given by Congress, General Wilkinson seized Mobile Bay in April with 600 soldiers. A small Spanish garrison gave way. Thus U.S. advanced into disputed territory to the Perdido River, as projected in 1810. No fighting.
1813-14 -- Marguesas Islands. U.S. forces built a fort on the island of Nukahiva to protect three prize ships which had been captured from the British.
1814 -- Spanish Florida. Gen. Andrew Jackson took Pensacola and drove out the British with whom the United States was at war.
1814-25 -- Caribbean. Engagements between pirates and American ships or squadrons took place repeatedly, especially ashore and offshore about Cuba, Puerto Rico, Santo Domingo, and Yucatan. Three thousand pirate attacks on merchantmen were reported between 1815 and 1823. In 1822 Commodore James Biddle employed a squadron of two frigates, four sloops of war, two brigs, four schooners, and two gunboats in the West Indies.
1815 -- Algiers. The Second Barbary War was declared by the opponents but not by the United States. Congress authorized an expedition. A large fleet under Decatur attacked Algiers and obtained indemnities.
1815 -- Tripoli. After securing an agreement from Algiers, Decatur demonstrated with his squadron at Tunis and Tripoli, where he secured indemnities for offenses during the War of 1812.
1816 -- Spanish Florida. United States forces destroyed Nicholls Fort, called also Negro Fort, which harbored raiders making forays into United States territory.
1816-18 -- Spanish Florida - First Seminole War. The Seminole Indians, whose area was a resort for escaped slaves and border ruffians, were attacked by troops under Generals Jackson and Gaines and pursued into northern Florida. Spanish posts were attacked and occupied, British citizens executed. In 1819 the Floridas were ceded to the United States.
1817 -- Amelia Island (Spanish territory off Florida). Under orders of President Monroe, United States forces landed and expelled a group of smugglers, adventurers, and freebooters.
1818 -- Oregon. The USS Ontario, dispatched from Washington, landed at the Columbia River and in August took possession of Oregon territory. Britain had conceded sovereignty but Russia and Spain asserted claims to the area.
1820-23 -- Africa. Naval units raided the slave traffic pursuant to the 1819 Act of Congress.
1822 -- Cuba. United States naval forces suppressing piracy landed on the northwest coast of Cuba and burned a pirate station.
1823 -- Cuba. Brief landings in pursuit of pirates occurred April 8 near Escondido; April 16 near Cayo Blanco; July 11 at Siquapa Bay; July 21 at Cape Cruz; and October 23 at Camrioca.
1824 -- Cuba. In October the USS Porpoise landed bluejackets near Matanzas in pursuit of pirates. This was during the cruise authorized in 1822.
1824 -- Puerto Rico (Spanish territory). Commodore David Porter with a landing party attacked the town of Fajardo which had sheltered pirates and insulted American naval officers. He landed with 200 men in November and forced an apology. Commodore Porter was later court-martialed for overstepping his powers.
1825 -- Cuba. In March cooperating American and British forces landed at Sagua La Grande to capture pirates.
1827 -- Greece. In October and November landing parties hunted pirates on the islands of Argenteire, Miconi, and Androse.
1831-32 -- Falkland Islands. Captain Duncan of the USS Lexington investigated the capture of three American sealing vessels and sought to protect American interests.
1832 -- Sumatra - February 6 to 9. A naval force landed and stormed a fort to punish natives of the town of Quallah Battoo for plundering the American ship Friendship.
1833 -- Argentina - October 31 to November 15. A force was sent ashore at Buenos Aires to protect the interests of the United States and other countries during an insurrection.
1835-36 -- Peru - December 10, 1835, to January 24, 1836, and August 31 to December 7, 1836. Marines protected American interests in Callao and Lima during an attempted revolution.
1836 -- Mexico. General Gaines occupied Nacogdoches (Tex.), disputed territory, from July to December during the Texan war for independence, under orders to cross the "imaginary boundary line" if an Indian outbreak threatened.
1838-39 -- Sumatra - December 24, 1838, to January 4, 1839. A naval force landed to punish natives of the towns of Quallah Battoo and Muckie (Mukki) for depredations on American shipping.
1840 -- Fiji Islands - July. Naval forces landed to punish natives for attacking American exploring and surveying parties.
1841 -- Drummond Island, Kingsmill Group. A naval party landed to avenge the murder of a seaman by the natives.
1841 -- Samoa - February 24. A naval party landed and burned towns after the murder of an American seaman on Upolu Island.
1842 -- Mexico. Commodore T.A.C. Jones, in command of a squadron long cruising off California, occupied Monterey, Calif., on October 19, believing war had come. He discovered peace, withdrew, and saluted. A similar incident occurred a week later at San Diego.
1843 -- China. Sailors and marines from the St. Louis were landed after a clash between Americans and Chinese at the trading post in Canton.
1843 -- Africa -- November 29 to December 16. Four United States vessels demonstrated and landed various parties (one of 200 marines and sailors) to discourage piracy and the slave trade along the Ivory Coast, and to punish attacks by the natives on American seamen and shipping.
1844 -- Mexico. President Tyler deployed U.S. forces to protect Texas against Mexico, pending Senate approval of a treaty of annexation. (Later rejected.) He defended his action against a Senate resolution of inquiry.
1846-48 -- Mexican War. On May 13, 1846, the United States recognized the existence of a state of war with Mexico. After the annexation of Texas in 1845, the United States and Mexico failed to resolve a boundary dispute and President Polk said that it was necessary to deploy forces in Mexico to meet a threatened invasion.
1849 -- Smyrna. In July a naval force gained release of an American
seized by Austrian officials.
1851 -- Turkey. After a massacre of foreigners (including Americans) at Jaffa in January, a demonstration by the Mediterranean Squadron was ordered along the Turkish (Levant) coast.
1851 -- Johanns Island (east of Africa) -- August. Forces from the U.S. sloop of war Dale exacted redress for the unlawful imprisonment of the captain of an American whaling brig.
1852-53 -- Argentina -- February 3 to 12, 1852; September 17, 1852 to April 1853. Marines were landed and maintained in Buenos Aires to protect American interests during a revolution.
1853 -- Nicaragua -- March 11 to 13. U.S. forces landed to protect American lives and interests during political disturbances.
1853-54 -- Japan. Commodore Perry and his expedition made a display of force leading to the "opening of Japan" and the Perry Expedition.
1853-54 -- Ryukyu and Bonin Islands. Commodore Perry on three visits before going to Japan and while waiting for a reply from Japan made a naval demonstration, landing marines twice, and secured a coaling concession from the ruler of Naha on Okinawa; he also demonstrated in the Bonin Islands with the purpose of securing facilities for commerce.
1854 -- China -- April 4 to June 15 to 17. American and English ships landed forces to protect American interests in and near Shanghai during Chinese civil strife.
1854 -- Nicaragua -- July 9 to 15. Naval forces bombarded and burned San Juan del Norte (Greytown) to avenge an insult to the American Minister to Nicaragua.
1855 -- China -- May 19 to 21. U.S. forces protected American interests in Shanghai and, from August 3 to 5 fought pirates near Hong Kong.
1855 -- Fiji Islands -- September 12 to November 4. An American naval force landed to seek reparations for depredations on American residents and seamen.
1855 -- Uruguay -- November 25 to 29. United States and European naval forces landed to protect American interests during an attempted revolution in Montevideo.
1856 -- Panama, Republic of New Grenada -- September 19 to 22. U.S. forces landed to protect American interests during an insurrection.
1856 -- China -- October 22 to December 6. U.S. forces landed to protect American interests at Canton during hostilities between the British and the Chinese, and to avenge an assault upon an unarmed boat displaying the United States flag.
1857 -- Nicaragua -- April to May, November to December. In May Commander C.H. Davis of the United States Navy, with some marines, received the surrender of William Walker, who had been attempting to get control of the country, and protected his men from the retaliation of native allies who had been fighting Walker. In November and December of the same year United States vessels Saratoga, Wabash, and Fulton opposed another attempt of William Walker on Nicaragua. Commodore Hiram Paulding's act of landing marines and compelling the removal of Walker to the United States, was tacitly disavowed by Secretary of State Lewis Cass, and Paulding was forced into retirement.
1858 -- Uruguay -- January 2 to 27. Forces from two United States warships landed to protect American property during a revolution in Montevideo.
1858 -- Fiji Islands -- October 6 to 16. A marine expedition chastised natives for the murder of two American citizens at Waya.
1858-59 -- Turkey. The Secretary of State requested a display of naval force along the Levant after a massacre of Americans at Jaffa and mistreatment elsewhere "to remind the authorities (of Turkey) of the power of the United States."
1859 -- Paraguay. Congress authorized a naval squadron to seek redress for an attack on a naval vessel in the Parana River during 1855. Apologies were made after a large display of force.
1859 -- Mexico. Two hundred United States soldiers crossed the Rio
Grande in pursuit of the Mexican bandit Cortina.
1859 -- China -- July 31 to August 2. A naval force landed to protect
American interests in Shanghai.
1860 -- Angola, Portuguese West Africa -- March 1. American residents
at Kissembo called upon American and British ships to protect
lives and property during problems with natives.
1860 -- Colombia, Bay of Panama -- September 27 to October 8. Naval
forces landed to protect American interests during a revolution.
1863 -- Japan -- July 16. The USS Wyoming retaliated against a firing
on the American vessel Pembroke at Shimonoseki.
1864 -- Japan -- July 14 to August 3. Naval forces protected the United
States Minister to Japan when he visited Yedo to negotiate
concerning some American claims against Japan, and to make
his negotiations easier by impressing the Japanese with
American power.
1864 -- Japan -- September 4 to 14. Naval forces of the United States,
Great Britain, France, and the Netherlands compelled Japan and
the Prince of Nagato in particular to permit the Straits of
Shimonoseki to be used by foreign shipping in accordance with
treaties already signed.
1865 -- Panama -- March 9 and 10. U.S. forces protected the lives and
property of American residents during a revolution.
1866 -- Mexico. To protect American residents, General Sedgwick and
100 men in November obtained surrender of Matamoras. After 3
days he was ordered by U.S. Government to withdraw. His act
was repudiated by the President.
1866 -- China. From June 20 to July 7, U.S. forces punished an assault
on the American consul at Newchwang.
1867 -- Nicaragua. Marines occupied Managua and Leon.
1867 -- Formosa -- June 13. A naval force landed and burned a number
of huts to punish the murder of the crew of a wrecked American
vessel.
1868 -- Japan (Osaka, Hiolo, Nagasaki, Yokohama, and Negata) --
February 4 to 8, April 4 to May 12, June 12 and 13. U.S. forces
were landed to protect American interests during the civil war in
Japan over the abolition of the Shogunate and the restoration of
the Mikado.
1868 -- Uruguay -- February 7 and 8, 19 to 26. U.S. forces protected
foreign residents and the customhouse during an insurrection at
Montevideo.
1868 -- Colombia -- April. U.S. forces protected passengers and treasure
in transit at Aspinwall during the absence of local police or
troops on the occasion of the death of the President of Colombia.
1870 -- Mexico -- June 17 and 18. U.S. forces destroyed the pirate ship
Forward, which had been run aground about 40 miles up the Rio
Tecapan.
1870 -- Hawaiian Islands -- September 21. U.S. forces placed the
American flag at half mast upon the death of Queen Kalama,
when the American consul at Honolulu would not assume
responsibility for so doing.
1871 -- Korea -- June 10 to 12. A U.S. naval force attacked and captured
five forts to punish natives for depredations on Americans,
particularly for murdering the crew of the General Sherman and
burning the schooner, and for later firing on other American
small boats taking soundings up the Salee River.
Northwoods Conspiracy/33
1873 -- Colombia (Bay of Panama) -- May 7 to 22, September 23 to
October 9. U.S. forces protected American interests during
hostilities over possession of the government of the State of
Panama.
1873 -- Mexico. United States troops crossed the Mexican border
repeatedly in pursuit of cattle and other thieves. There were
some reciprocal pursuits by Mexican troops into border territory.
Mexico protested frequently. Notable cases were at Remolina in
May 1873 and at Las Cuevas in 1875. Washington orders often
supported these excursions. Agreements between Mexico and the
United States, the first in 1882, finally legitimized such raids.
They continued intermittently, with minor disputes, until 1896.
1874 -- Hawaiian Islands -- February 12 to 20. Detachments from
American vessels were landed to preserve order and protect
American lives and interests during the coronation of a new
king.
1876 -- Mexico -- May 18. An American force was landed to police the
town of Matamoras temporarily while it was without other
government.
1882 -- Egypt -- July 14 to 18. American forces landed to protect
American interests during warfare between British and
Egyptians and looting of the city of Alexandria by Arabs.
1885 -- Panama (Colon) -- January 18 and 19. U.S. forces were used to
guard the valuables in transit over the Panama Railroad, and the
safes and vaults of the company during revolutionary activity. In
March, April, and May in the cities of Colon and Panama, the
forces helped reestablish freedom of transit during revolutionary
activity.
1888 -- Korea -- June. A naval force was sent ashore to protect American residents in Seoul during unsettled political conditions, when an outbreak of the populace was expected.
1888 -- Haiti -- December 20. A display of force persuaded the Haitian Government to give up an American steamer which had been seized on the charge of breach of blockade.
1888--89 -- Samoa -- November 14, 1888, to March 20, 1889. U.S. forces were landed to protect American citizens and the consulate during a native civil war.
1889 -- Hawaiian Islands -- July 30 and 31. U.S. forces protected American interests at Honolulu during a revolution.
1890 South Dakota -U.S. Troops attacked 300 Lakota Indians at Wounded Knee when white officials became alarmed at the religious fervor and activism taking place within the Sioux Tribe as a result of the Ghost Dance and in December 1890 banned the Ghost Dance on Lakota reservations. When the rites continued, officials called in troops to Pine Ridge and Rosebud reservations in South Dakota. The military, led by veteran General Nelson Miles, geared itself for another campaign.
1890 -- Argentina. A naval party landed to protect U.S. consulate and legation in Buenos Aires.
1891 -- Haiti. U.S. forces sought to protect American lives and property on Navassa Island.
1891 -- Bering Strait -- July 2 to October 5. Naval forces sought to stop seal poaching.
1891 -- Chile -- August 28 to 30. U.S. forces protected the American consulate and the women and children who had taken refuge in it during a revolution in Valparaiso.
1892--Idaho - Army troops were used to suppress a silver miners'strike.
1893 -- Hawaii -- January 16 to April 1. Marines were landed ostensibly to protect American lives and property, but many believed it was actually to promote a provisional government under Sanford B. Dole which overthrew the Kingdom. This action was disavowed by the United States.
1894 Chicago - Troops were used to break up a rail strike, 34 were killed.
1894 -- Brazil -- January. A display of naval force was authorized in order to protect American commerce and shipping at Rio de Janeiro during a Brazilian civil war.
1894 -- Nicaragua -- July 6 to August 7. U.S. forces sought to protect American interests at Bluefields following a revolution.
1894-95 -- China. Marines were stationed at Tientsin and penetrated to Peking for protection purposes during the Sino--Japanese War.
1894-95 -- China. A naval vessel was beached and used as a fort at Newchwang for protection of American nationals.
1894-96 -- Korea -- July 24, 1894 to April 3, 1896. A guard of marines was sent to protect the American legation and American lives and interests at Seoul during and following the Sino-- Japanese War.
1895 -- Colombia -- March 8 to 9. U.S. forces protected American interests during an attack on the town of Bocas del Toro by a bandit chieftain.
1896 -- Nicaragua -- May 2 to 4. U.S. forces protected American interests in Corinto during political unrest.
1898 -- Nicaragua -- February 7 and 8. U.S. forces protected American lives and property at San Juan del Sur.
1898 - Minnesota - Army troops battled members of the Chippewa Tribe at Leech Lake.
1898 -- The Spanish--American War. On April 25, 1898, the United States declared war with Spain. The war followed a Cuban insurrection against Spanish rule and the sinking of the U.S.S. Maine in the harbor at Havana.
1898--99 -- China -- November 5, 1898 to March 15, 1899. U.S. forces provided a guard for the legation at Peking and the consulate at Tientsin during contest between the Dowager Empress and her son.
1899-1901 - Idaho - Army troops occupied Coeur d'Alene mining region.
1899 -- Nicaragua. American and British naval forces were landed to protect national interests at San Juan del Norte, February 22 to March 5th and at Bluefields a few weeks later in connection with the insurrection of Gen. Juan P. Reyes.
1899 -- Samoa -- February-May 15. American and British naval forces were landed to protect national interests and to take part in a bloody contention over the succession to the throne.
1899--1901 -- Philippine Islands. U.S. forces protected American interests following the war with Spain and conquered the islands by defeating the Filipinos in their war for independence.
1900 -- China -- May 24 to September 28. American troops participated in operations to protect foreign lives during the Boxer rising, particularly at Peking. For many years after this experience a permanent legation guard was maintained in Peking, and was strengthened at times as trouble threatened.
1901 - Oklahoma -Army troops battled the Creek Indian revolt.
1901 -- Colombia (State of Panama) -- November 20 to December 4. U.S. forces protected American property on the Isthmus and kept transit lines open during serious revolutionary disturbances.
1902 -- Colombia -- April 16 to 23. U.S. forces protected American lives and property at Bocas del Toro during a civil war.
1902 -- Colombia (State of Panama) -- September 17 to November 18. The United States placed armed guards on all trains crossing the Isthmus to keep the railroad line open, and stationed ships on both sides of Panama to prevent the landing of Colombian troops.
1903 -- Honduras -- March 23 to 30 or 31. U.S. forces protected the American consulate and the steamship wharf at Puerto Cortez during a period of revolutionary activity.
1903 -- Dominican Republic -- March 30 to April 21. A detachment of marines was landed to protect American interests in the city of Santo Domingo during a revolutionary outbreak.
1903 -- Syria -- September 7 to 12. U.S. forces protected the American consulate in Beirut when a local Moslem uprising was feared.
1903-04 -- Abyssinia. Twenty-five marines were sent to Abyssinia to protect the U.S. Consul General while he negotiated a treaty. 1903-14 -- Panama. U.S. forces sought to protect American interests and lives during and following the revolution for independence from Colombia over construction of the Isthmian Canal. With brief intermissions, United States Marines were stationed on the Isthmus from November 4, 1903, to January 21 1914 to guard American interests.
1904 -- Dominican Republic -- January 2 to February 11. American and British naval forces established an area in which no fighting would be allowed and protected American interests in Puerto Plata and Sosua and Santo Domingo City during revolutionary fighting.
1904 -- Tangier, Morocco. "We want either Perdicaris alive or Raisula dead." A squadron demonstrated to force release of a kidnapped American. Marine guard was landed to protect the consul general.